The French PR Machine Crashes

Blitz

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Jan 6, 2002
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By: Laura Ingraham


(San Francisco, CA) Even out here in peacenik-land, one senses that
patience is wearing thin for the French. After watching the French
Foreign Minister Dominque De Villepin on ABC's This Week, one Democrat
friend asked: "Was he trying to win us over or insult us?" My brother,
who speaks fluent French, and is a self-avowed Francophile, has cancelled
his trip there this summer. Suddenly Evian costs the same as Poland
Springs in the grocery stores.

As US authorities continue to pick off top al Qaeda operatives, it's time
we really start to focus on another threat to our national security-the
French. Maybe that's a slight overstatement--but not by much. Day by day
we are learning more about how little we have in common with the country
whose people were liberated by our soldiers almost 60 years ago. De
Villepin, in the much-heralded interview with George Stephanopolous,
unwittingly exposed this growing divide, and his country's feckless,
hypocritical stance against a brutal, dangerous Iraqi regime.

After this Q & A (which was more like Q & Q since he failed to answer any
of the important questions about Iraq), there should be no dispute about
the following:

* France prefers an Iraq with Saddam in power.
* France thinks 1441's "serious consequences" means permanent
inspections.
* France thinks 1441's "immediate compliance" mandate means Iraq should
cooperate when it feels like it.
* France doesn't regret its past role in helping Iraq build a nuclear
reactor.
* France thinks Americans are stupid.

Stephanopolous later said he believed De Villepin was attempting to "go
over the heads of the US government and speak directly to the American
people." Did De Villepin really believe our citizens would suddenly find
the French position credible when he claimed that Iraq was now cooperating
"on process and substance"? (Something even Hans Blix does not claim.)

George might as well have been interviewing Tariq Aziz. "You cannot say
that a country should disarm and when a country agrees to disarm.that it's
nothing," De Villepin said of Saddam's last minute decision to destroy his
Al Samoud missiles. "He is, we are in the process of being able to
disarm," he insisted. So from the warped French perspective, UN weapons
inspectors are not only detectives, they are enablers.

Confirming the worst American stereotypes of France's appeasement
mentality, De Villepin warned of "a burst of terrorism" if force is used
"prematurely." This illogical thinking would prevent us from ever acting
preemptively, and keep our country locked into a never-ending defensive
crouch. It may be the French way, but it's not the American way.

As exasperating as De Villepin's answers were, so was Stephanopolous'
failure to press him on his country's Iraqi oil interests. No matter how
many times De Villepin invoked the "world community," we know that France
is only concerned with one thing in this debate-France. Its economic
interests, its standing in Europe, its ability to stand up to the world's
cowboy superpower-this is what motivates France's refusal to force Iraq's
disarmament.

What the French may never fully comprehend is that none of that will
ultimately matter in a world where weapons proliferation goes unchecked,
where dictators are able to manipulate democratic leaders like
marionettes. Memo to Jacques: If you want to be considered as a 21st
century authority on the perils of war, why not starting spending some
money on your own military? But that's right, De Villepin reiterated that
"France is not a pacifist country."

French eateries in San Francisco conspicuously fly large American flags as
if to assure prospective customers that "we're still with you." Yes we
remember that after September 11th, France said "We are all Americans."
That was a warm and welcome gesture. But today we need more than
gestures, we need action and real commitment.

Word of the Week

Penitent adj. Feeling or expressing remorse for one's misdeeds or sins. As
in--

De Villepin wasn't the slightest bit penitent about France's role in
helping Iraq build a nuclear reactor before the last Gulf War.
 

Terryray

Say Parlay
Forum Member
Dec 6, 2001
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Kansas City area for who knows how long....
good piece! here's more

good piece! here's more

The French Challenge






By Charles Krauthammer
Friday, February 21, 2003



"It is not well brought-up behavior. . . . They missed a good opportunity to shut up."

-- French President Jacques Chirac, berating Eastern European countries for supporting the U.S. positionon Iraq, Feb. 17.





Chirac's outburst made headlines. It was clumsy, impolitic and revealing. But the bullying of New Europe by Old Europe is not new.


Last August, for example, Romania signed an agreement with the United States promising not to extradite Americans to the International Criminal Court. Romania is applying to join the European Union, and the European Union, for which the ICC is a pet project, was not amused. It registered its displeasure with Romania and then warned "other candidate countries which have also been approached by the United States" not to "make any more moves to agree to sign such an accord."


A few months earlier, the prime minister of the Czech Republic was attacked for making highly ungenerous statements about Yasser Arafat. "Such language is not what we expect from a future member state," declared the European Union, an unsubtle threat to the Czech application for EU membership.


The division between the New Europe (newly liberated Eastern Europe) and the Old Europe (centered on France and Germany) has long been visible. As the center of gravity of American influence in Europe has shifted east to the Iron Curtain countries, it is no accident, comrade, that the only state dinner President Bush has hosted (apart from the traditional one for the president of Mexico) was for the president of Poland.


Europe did not take to the streets against America last weekend; only Western Europe did. The streets of Eastern Europe were silent. The Poles, and their Eastern European neighbors, have an immediate personal experience of life under tyranny -- and of being liberated from that tyranny by American power. The French and their neighbors are six decades removed from their liberation. They think freedom is as natural as the air they breathe, rather than purchased at the price of blood -- American blood in no small measure.


This division in experience sets the stage for the division in politics. And for France's fury at finding an American fifth column in the New Europe. When 13 Eastern European states came out in support of the United States on Iraq, Chirac lost all reserve. His scolding of the Eastern Europeans has inadvertently demonstrated how much France's current dispute with the United States is not really about Iraq.


Sure, France has contracts and loans that will be jeopardized if Saddam Hussein is deposed. And French leaders may have dirty hands from dirty dealings that will show up when Hussein's archives are opened after a war.


Yet the lengths to which France has gone to oppose the United States show that the stakes are much higher. France has gone far beyond mere objection, far beyond mere obstruction. It is engaged in sabotage so active that it has taken to verbally attacking weaker states that dare take the American side.


Why? Sensing a world deeply uneasy about the American policy on Iraq, France seized what it saw as a unique opportunity to change the dynamics of the post-Cold War world. During the Cold War, Charles de Gaulle and his successors had tried breaking free of the United States by "triangulating" with the Soviets. De Gaulle withdrew France from NATO's military structure. France kept offering itself as a "third force." That posturing went nowhere, because France, like everyone else, depended ultimately on American power for defense against the Soviet threat.


With the end of the Soviet threat, everything changed. A unipolar system emerged with the United States dominant and unchallenged. The Iraq crisis has provided France an opportunity to create the first coherent challenge to that dominance -- and to give France a unique position as leader of that challenge. Last Friday at the Security Council was the high water mark. France stood at the head of an impressive opposition bloc -- Germany, Russia, China, perhaps seven other members of the council and dozens of other smaller countries -- challenging American policy and, implicitly, American hegemony.


The world has not become bipolar. But we have just witnessed the first serious breach of the post-Cold War unipolarity -- engineered not, as many expected, by Russia or China, but by France. France is reaching to become not only the leading power in Europe (hence the pique with those pesky Eastern Europeans) but also the leader of a new pole of world power opposite the American "hyperpower."


Not a bad vocation for a country whose closest brush with glory and empire today consists of patrolling the swamps of Ivory Coast.


? 2003 The Washington Post Company




///////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////



this excerpt from Forbes:


Five Vital Lessons From Iraq

Paul Johnson, 03.17.03



The Iraq crisis has already pointed up a number of valuable lessons. So far I have identified five:

? Lesson I. We have been reminded that France is not to be trusted at any time, on any issue. The British have learned this over 1,000 years of acrimonious history, but it still comes as a shock to see how badly the French can behave, with their unique mixture of shortsighted selfishness, long-term irresponsibility, impudent humbug and sheer malice. Americans are still finding out--the hard way--that loyalty, gratitude, comradeship and respect for treaty obligations are qualities never exhibited by French governments. All they recognize are interests, real or imaginary. French support always has to be bought. What the Americans and British now have to decide is whether formal alliances that include France as a major partner are worth anything at all, or if they are an actual encumbrance in times of danger.

We also have to decide whether France should be allowed to remain as a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, with veto power, or whether it should be replaced by a more suitable power, such as India. Linked to this is the question of whether France can be trusted as a nuclear power. The French have certainly sold nuclear technology to rogue states in the past, Iraq among them. In view of France's attempts to sabotage America's vigorous campaign to halt the spread of weapons of mass destruction, we need to be sure that France is not planning to cover the cost of its flagging nuclear weapons program by selling secrets to unruly states. Certainly Anglo-American surveillance of French activities in this murky area must be intensified.




rest of it here................http://www.forbes.com/forbes/2003/0317/037.html
 
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