Afgan News

Trampled Underfoot

Registered
Forum Member
Feb 26, 2001
13,593
164
63
I find your comments immature and childish.If you have no comment that's fine.Could you please stay out of this thread if that's the case.I would like to keep it clean.Thanks.
-Rusty.

I really don't care what you think. I'm seriously concerned about the state of Native Americans in this country. I figured you would be the one to ask. :shrug:
 

Trench

Turn it up
Forum Member
Mar 8, 2008
3,974
18
0
Mad City, WI
crying-indian_fullhead80p.jpg

"First my people..... and now the Afghans Rusty?"

Trench
 

rusty

Registered User
Forum Member
Nov 24, 2006
4,627
11
0
Under a mask.
Democracy and the Failure
of Leadership in Afghanistan

Shaukat Zamani

July 2, 2010

This may not sound as an ideal time to write about the notion of democracy in Afghanistan.

Firstly, the controversies surrounding the August 2009 Presidential elections in Afghanistan marked the first real exposure of our democratic experiment as an aberration; rather as a farce.

Secondly, the intensification of the proxy war efforts by our neighbours to claim a larger share of the Afghan pie constitutes a threat to whatever that remains of the Afghan democracy today.

Yet, thirdly, it is the American and Western rush to look for a quick exit strategy that casts the deepest shadow of doubt over the horizons of the very experiment of democracy in Afghanistan.

There now is a dramatic and tragic shift in Western thinking. As the idea of quitting Afghanistan gains momentum, the new buzzword dominating Western policy thinking vis-?-vis Afghanistan seems to be Afghan ?stability?, as opposed to Afghan democracy. The only real Western concern now is to ensure Afghanistan no longer remains a terrorist launching pad.

As Eugene Robinson, a Washington Post columnist, recently puts it, ?Nation-building would be the Afghans' problem, not ours.?

Robinson is dead right. Afghanistan is our country, and only Afghans themselves are truly responsible for building our country and establishing a truly lasting democratic culture in our society.

I am not at all surprised by the lack of continuation of Western commitment to the Afghan democratic experiment. The clock was always ticking. The writing has been on the wall since, at least, late 2009. We Afghans have consistently failed to live up to our end of the bargain. We failed to build in any meaningful sense the very institutions that will safeguard our delicate democratic experiment.

We assumed that we had for ever to build what, for me, is the biggest and most important asset in our long, glorious history, our current institution of democracy.

Our lack of effort and our very concept of time have let us down. Some of us stopped trying for selfish reasons, because of an obsession to conserve power by any means possible. Some simply found the temptation to jump on the politics-as-the-easiest-way-to-make-money bandwagon too much to resist. Others who cared, the civil society, didn?t try hard enough. Some didn?t try at all (myself included).

The whole nation had fallen into a dogmatic slumber.

So the irony of writing about our democracy when the very idea of it is under threat in Afghanistan is certainly not lost on me.

I also recognise protestations by many of my fellow Afghans who believe Western style, or Western-imposed, democracy will not work in Afghanistan. I agree too that George W. Bush?s ?vision? that Muslim societies would jump on the so-called democracy bandwagon and embrace Western democratic ideals overnight was imbecilic idealism.

Yet, more than ever, I remain convinced that democracy can and will work in Afghanistan. The failure of the current institution of democracy in Afghanistan does not mean the failure of democary itself. Nor should it represent the end of our democratic experiment.

Rather a true, an indigenously-initiated grassroots democracy is our only way out of the vicious post-1979 Afghan cycle that has brought us nothing but tragedy, death and darkness.

A true democracy is what I call grassroots democracy, one based on the power of the people themselves: The you and I of Afghanistan.

Democary itself is a beautiful thing. A true democracy in Afghanistan is the ultimate embodiment of what I call the Afghan Renaissance.

To appreciate democracy, it is paramount that we understand its very principles which reflect that all citizens be equal before the law, must have equal access to power and enjoy freedoms such as the freedom of political expression, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press.

These principles of democracy can not be taken lightly. Implemented properly, these principles will result in a society that every Afghan would be proud to live in and serve.

The reasons for the failure of the democratic experiment in Afghanistan today is the failure of the current crop of Afghan leaders to uphold true democratic ideals.

A true democracy, based on the principles of justice and equality, requires a certain set of beliefs, a certain level of responsibility and commitment that are hitherto missing in our efforts in Afghanistan.

Unless we deliver on these important preconditions, our democratic experiment will continue to be farcical. As amply evident from the experiences of the last Presidential Elections, the democratic principals, for instance, can not be upheld without, foremost, a responsible government. It is an essential part of representative democracy that elections be fair both substantively and procedurally.

What are the democratic preconditions we need to bring about?

To bring about a true democracy in Afghanistan, we must strive as a nation to create the preconditions upon which to build a true democracy.

A change of national attitude must be the starting point. As the saying goes, attitude is a small thing that makes a big difference. We need to start believing in ourselves and in our own powers. We need to acquire the ?can do attitude?, or the belief that we can bring true peace, true stability, true prosperity, and, therefore, true democracy to our country.

To acquire this ?can do attitude?, we need a new crop of leaders that can instill this very concept in our nation. For true peace, true stability, true prosperity and, therefore, true democracy to take hold, a nation must believe in its leadership.

And when a nation lacks a leadership capable of healing its wounds, like we do today, a caring leadership that is, it must struggle to find it. And when it can not find, it must strive to create it.

We need a responsible and caring leadership. The starting point of a true relationship between a nation and its leaders is the trust factor. A nation must trust its leaders.

Today, for a responsible and committed leadership, for a leadership that can prove it truly cares and shows a capacity to heal our spiritual wounds, Afghans will even go to the wolves!

It is, for me, in this special interplay between the nation and its leadership that lies the very notion of grassroots democracy. It is precisely in the resulting atmosphere of mutual trust that a nation acquires a capacity to believe in, and bring to power, a responsible and committed leadership, breaking the boundaries of tribal and ethnic politics in the process.

It is precisely in this special nation-leader relationship that the national will comes to the fore and public opinion becomes the dominant governing factor.

That, my fellow countrymen and women, is the very dawn of the sort of a mature political culture that is the embodiment of a true and mature democracy, as opposed to the artificial democracy that is in existence in Afghanistan today.

But remember, my countrymen and women, our institution of democracy in Afghanistan today, as imperfect as it maybe, is our last bastion of hope to create a stable, a peaceful, and a more equitable society.

Defending and keeping alive our current imperfect institution of democracy, while our Western friends are slowly abandoning support for our democratic ideals, keeps alive our most important vision of the future.

Defending our imperfect democracy today must become the very first step of our struggle to establish a truly indigenous and lasting Afghan democracy.

For there will be no prospects of a Renaissance in Afghanistan if we fail to keep alive our very institution of democracy.

Shaukat Zamani is the founder of Help Afghan Education ( www.helpafghaneducation.org ). He can be reached on: shaukat.zamani@helpafghaneducation.org
 

Trench

Turn it up
Forum Member
Mar 8, 2008
3,974
18
0
Mad City, WI
ols.jpg

"Rusty said we were better off on the white man's reservation because we
couldn't win WWII with bows and arrows, so we endeavored to persevere..."


Trench
 

rusty

Registered User
Forum Member
Nov 24, 2006
4,627
11
0
Under a mask.
Urgency to stay the course in Afghanistan

M. Ashraf Haidari

June 6, 2010

In "Interpreting Afghanistan" (Op-ed, June 1) H.D.S. Greenway makes many connections between the Soviet experience in Afghanistan and that of the United States and its allies there now, indicating that it may not be possible to win peace in the country. The fact is, there are more fundamental differences than similarities between the Soviet and NATO engagements: the former one of invasion, and the latter of liberation.

The Soviets were fiercely resisted by the Afghan people, while NATO is overwhelmingly urged to stay the course to help rebuild Afghanistan. Recent polls, for example, show that more than 70 percent of Afghans continue supporting an international presence in Afghanistan.

Greenway?s comment that the Afghan ?government in a box?? came ?damaged?? in Marja hits a key point but does not reflect the complexity of the issue. A government cannot simply be propped up and immediately be successful. Just eight years ago, our state institutions had long ceased to exist, and we had to start the state-building process practically from the ground up.

While rapid success is unrealistic, conditions have significantly improved for Afghans, who do not oppose the government but want it to work better. Thus, our government must be assisted to regain the lost ground by building institutional capacity to deliver on the basic expectations of the Afghan people: protection from violent extremism, a livelihood, and the rule of law.

But I agree with Greenway that institutional extremism in Pakistan remains a grave threat to Afghanistan and to world peace and security. Focus must be put on dismantling the extremist institutional infrastructure in Pakistan.

M. Ashraf Haidari is the political counselor of the Embassy of Afghanistan in Washington .
 

DOGS THAT BARK

Registered User
Forum Member
Jul 13, 1999
19,485
161
63
Bowling Green Ky
Sheez they used to have thread up every other day on body counts etc--

--you didn't here squat about the cocaine anymore either

Code pinkies aren't at the recuiting stations or being dragged from congressional hearings.

One would have to assume their prob is with who is doing what not the act itself.

Reminds me of my era when the liberals were on the wailing and nashing of teeth over civilian casualties in Viet Nam--but later when the greatest massacre in history came because of pullout/abandonment they orchestrated--you didn't hear a peep out of them.
 

kosar

Centrist
Forum Member
Nov 27, 1999
11,112
55
0
ft myers, fl
-but later when the greatest massacre in history came because of pullout/abandonment they orchestrated--you didn't hear a peep out of them.

It's not nearly that simple, Wayne. The US backed a right-wing military coup against the sitting president in Cambodia in 1969 or 1970. His name was Prince Shinouk (or something like that). At the time of the coup, he was a bitter enemy of Pol Pot.

At the time of the coup, Pol Pot was hiding in the shadows trying to destabilize the Shinouk government. We did that for him.

Formerly bitter enemies, Pot and Shinouk teamed up after the coup with the intention of eventually taking over the country. Around this time, we were bombing and invading Cambodia trying to destroy North Vietnamese outposts in Cambodia. This drove countless North Vietnamese fighters deep into Cambodia and they also teamed up with Pol Pot.

Meanwhile, our bombing raids in Cambodia in the early 1970's killed an estimated 125,000 to 175,000 Cambodian civilians. As a result, there was a mass exodus of peasants from to Vietnam border area inland to Phnom Penh and also served to rally civilian support for Pol Pot.

Even with our nominal support, the military government in Cambodia that we installed was barely hanging on.

While it's true that Pol Pot didn't make his move until we withdrew from Vietnam, everything we did up to that point in Cambodia leading up to 1975 unintentionally ensured that Pol Pot would have the support and ability to pull it off.

Just reason number 392 that we should never have gotten involved over there, in Vietnam or Cambodia.
 

rusty

Registered User
Forum Member
Nov 24, 2006
4,627
11
0
Under a mask.
THAT'S 18 TOO MANY

It is.It's an alarming situation.Since we know their not coming home soon all we can do is pray that things will in fact get better.

We have been warned that tough times lay ahead in anticipation that things will change for the better.Lets pray they do.
 
Last edited:
Bet on MyBookie
Top