How goverment works

THE KOD

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Title pawn lenders pull out wallets
Politicians who get cash say they can't be bought

By ALAN JUDD, ANN HARDIE
Published on: 02/12/06
When proposed legislation threatened their high-profit industry, Georgia title pawn lenders responded by giving key state politicians the same thing they offer consumers: quick cash.

And now the threat appears to have passed.

A year ago, Georgia lawmakers were pondering a reduction in the industry's triple-digit interest rates. Now, they're considering legislation that falls far short of title pawn restrictions sought by consumer advocates.

During the past year, the title pawn industry gave $328,310 to 75 Georgia politicians and three political committees, according to an analysis of campaign finance reports by The Atlanta Journal-Constitution.

The industry donated just $133,400, less than half that amount, during the two previous years combined, the newspaper found.

Among the top recipients: the House speaker, the Senate's presiding officer, and the chairmen of committees deciding the fate of bills that could have crippled the title pawn industry.

The spike in giving follows a pattern forged by other industries trying to win the debate over legislation affecting them.

Trial lawyers and doctors poured money into campaigns as lawmakers considered limits on civil litigation awards. Competing interest groups trying to gain an advantage ? optometrists and ophthalmologists, dental assistants and dentists, midwives and obstetricians ? often try to outspend each other when their disputes land before lawmakers.

It is rare, however, for all the donors to represent so similar a point of view. Likewise, it is rare for any group's political activity to escalate so dramatically as the title pawn industry's did during the past year.

300 percent interest

The industry had maintained a modest profile since 1992, when Georgia became the first state to authorize motor vehicle title pawns. The 1992 law allows the loans, marketed to people with bad credit or low incomes, to charge annual interest rates as high as 300 percent. Georgia does not allow interest rates higher than 60 percent for any other type of regulated credit.

The wave of title pawn money has had an obvious impact, said state Rep. Mary Margaret Oliver (D-Decatur). She sponsored a bill that would have significantly lowered the maximum interest rate on title pawns. Lenders said a lower cap on the interest rate would put them out of business, and more industry-friendly measures quickly displaced Oliver's bill.

"The title pawn industry is enormously profitable and sophisticated," Oliver said. "They have ramped up their political activity in all ways to mitigate reform efforts in the Georgia General Assembly."

Other lawmakers say the industry's money has not purchased influence.

"Making contributions and accepting contributions don't necessarily affect the outcome," said Senate President Pro Tem Eric Johnson (R-Savannah), who received $10,448 from title lenders last year. "It shouldn't affect how you vote."

A necessary expense

The industry defends its political spending as a necessary tool for self-protection.

"There's nothing sinister," said Phil Kent, a spokesman for the United Title Pawn Council of Georgia, a lobbying group. "This is how the process works."

He added: "We don't want the industry gutted. We live or die by the Legislature."

Industry executives, Kent said, felt threatened after a series of articles in the Journal-Constitution last year examined title pawns and other kinds of lending that target poor, unsophisticated consumers.

The series, "Borrower Beware," reported that among the 25 states where title lending is legal, Georgia is one of two that do not regulate the industry. And, unlike other states, Georgia allows title lenders who repossess their customers' cars to sell the vehicles and keep all the proceeds. Lenders sometimes reap thousands of dollars of profits through repossessions.

In response to the series, Oliver and state Sen. Steen Miles (D-Decatur) filed bills that would have slashed the maximum interest rate. The industry, in turn, began spreading contributions to politicians who might play a role in handling those bills.

Title lenders donated to 11 of the 13 members of the Senate's Banking Committee. In the House, the lenders gave to 16 of the banking panel's 33 members. One of them was Rep. James Mills, the committee chairman.

'I give fair treatment'

Mills (R-Gainesville) accepted campaign contributions totaling $10,000 when he spoke at a title pawn industry meeting last June. By year's end, records show, he had collected $17,100 from the industry.

Now he is sponsoring the only House bill on title pawn that is likely to get a hearing this year. The measure, HB 864, calls for title lenders to return any money left over after they repossess and sell a borrower's car. The bill, which could reach the House floor this week, also requires borrowers to make minimum payments toward the principal of their loans, in addition to interest payments, after three months.

The bill, however, does not address interest rates. Nor does it call for state regulation of title lending. Consequently, consumer advocates say Mills' bill offers few meaningful protections.

Mills bristled last week when asked about his contributions from the industry.

"The reason you know about any contributions I have is because I report them," Mills told a reporter. "I don't give preferential treatment. I give fair treatment."

Senate Banking Committee Chairman Bill Hamrick last week introduced a title pawn bill similar to Mills'. Hamrick's measure (SB 535), though, would also require title pawn lenders to register with the Governor's Office of Consumer Affairs and to notify borrowers before repossessing their vehicles.

Hamrick (R-Carrollton) filed the bill after receiving $14,500 from the industry last year. He said the campaign contributions did not keep him from seeking tighter restrictions.

"We learned in the hearings that there was a need for this kind of business," Hamrick said.

Sen. Bill Stephens (R-Canton), a former Senate majority leader, received $25,483 for his campaign for secretary of state. Some title pawn executives have suggested assigning the secretary of state's office to oversee their industry.

Stephens said he doesn't like that idea. The industry's money, he said, won't change his mind.

"If you can't take their money and vote against them," Stephens said, "you ought not to be in politics."

Deep pockets

Donors affiliated with two large title pawn companies made most of the contributions: Alpharetta-based Select Management Resources, which operates as Atlanta Title Loan in the metro area, and Savannah-based TitleMax.

In 2003 and 2004, TitleMax and its top executives donated $13,200 in Georgia elections. Last year, they gave $74,406.

The increase was even greater for Select Management. Donations from the company, its affiliates and officers went from $61,000 in 2003 and 2004 to $192,954 last year.

"I always am a supporter of good government," Select Management's chief executive, Rod Aycox, said of the donations. "Nothing more, nothing less than that."

Along with cash, contributions by both companies included lawmakers' use of their corporate airplanes, usually to raise money from other supporters.

Aycox said he twice let Senate leaders use one of his planes to visit Georgia cities. He also flew Rep. Earl Ehrhart (R-Powder Springs) to a legislative conference in Dallas and House Speaker Glenn Richardson (R-Hiram) to a conference in Las Vegas.

Efforts last week to reach Ehrhart about the flights were unsuccessful. Ehrhart accepted $15,652 from title lenders last year, campaign records show.

'You get face time'

A spokeswoman for Richardson, Michelle Hitt, acknowledged that a lobbyist for Aycox's company was on the plane to Las Vegas. But, she said, "As best as can be remembered ? after all, this was many months ago ? topics of discussion ranged from football to the conference they were attending."

"There is no quid pro quo" for the $18,354 he received from the industry last year, Hitt said.

Flights on Select Management's aircraft were valued at $6,947, according to campaign finance records. TitleMax provided $1,813 in flights.

For as long as a flight lasts, the title lenders have a captive audience.

"You get face time," said Kent, the industry spokesman. "You're trying to get face time with the leaders you view as important."

Such largess overwhelms the efforts of consumer advocates. They want lawmakers to lower the interest rate on title pawns, but have little to offer as an incentive.

"We have to fight with our minds and our hearts," said Danny Orrock, legislative coordinator for the advocacy group Georgia Watch. "We don't have campaign contributions at our disposal."
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Is it plainly obvious how this works ? It amounts to bribery and when is it going to stop. And its all legal. Politicians decide to help the poor people not get ripped off so much. Or what is their real agenda ? Next thing you know they have 17 grand in their pockets for their continued election.
Next thing you know bills that were coming up are no long relevant.

Hard to believe Americans are so stupid to continue to allow it.
 

djv

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You must remember many folks think when they vote if they just pull one lever all is well. Everyone needs to wake up and start voting more with there own heads. Not by most of the B S fed them.
 

THE KOD

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djv

thats all I get out of you ? vote them out ?

then it would just continue as it is.

I am surprised you wernt more upset about the money being stolen and crooks lining their pockets with lobby money and going on trips to Hawaii and worse.
 

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I am even at the level of Wash D C. But if we don't really put some away with real jail terms of more then 2/3 years. It does not seem to scare them. And at least put them in a jail other then a country club.
 

THE KOD

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CONNECTING THE CALLS:

FBI special agent Mike Grant testified about phone calls made between city contractors Bert Timmerman, Fred Prewitt and Atlanta City Hall that appeared to implicate Campbell in a $400,000 kickback scheme involving Timmerman's company, Eco-Tech. At one point, however, Grant couldn't explain how Campbell could have been in on a call while on a plane at the same time.


FORMER GIRLFRIEND TESTIFIES:

The testimony of former Atlanta TV newscaster Marion Brooks, who had a four-year affair with Campbell, overshadowed much of what jurors heard last week. Brooks, who continued to see Campbell secretly after moving in 1997 to Chicago station WMAQ-TV, said they traveled extensively to exotic locales, such as Jamaica, Mexico and Paris. She said Campbell showered her with jewelry and other gifts before the relationship ended for good in 2001. He even lent her $16,000 in cash as a down payment on a condo, she testified. When prosecutors asked whether she knew anything about Campbell taking bribes, Brooks said, "No."



THE UNITED WATER CONNECTION:

Prosecutors say at least one of the trips Brooks and Campbell took ? a $12,000 getaway to Paris ? was paid for by United Water, a company seeking the city's water business. One witness said the company wanted Campbell's help in increasing its $21.5 million annual contract to manage the city's water operations. Another said Campbell signed seven additions to the United Water contract ? worth about $80 million over the contract's life ? only days before he left office in December 2001. But when former United Water President David Sherman was asked if Campbell had ever taken a bribe from him or United Water, or had even suggested taking bribes, Sherman said, "No, sir."
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Here is another corruption trial we got going on in Atlanta. Its for the past mayor Bill Campbell.

I can almost guarantee you he dont serve a day in jail.

And this guy was stealing and cheating from day 1.
 

THE KOD

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Witness: Campbell got illegal contributions
By Jeffry Scott and Beth Warren | Wednesday, February 15, 2006, 12:02 PM

The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

With witness John Reid on the stand, prosecutors sought today to show that illegal campaign contributions were given directly to former Atlanta mayor Bill Campbell and that Campbell handled illegal checks that were contributed to his 1998 run-off election. Those checks were written in the names of Campbell family members.

Reid was the deputy chief operating officer of the city at the time and reported to former Chief Operating Officer Larry Wallace, who has since been convicted of taking bribes.

Reid was convicted of corruption and served two years in prison. He is testifying as part of a plea deal with the federal government.

Reid?s testimony contradicts Campbell?s defense team?s claim earlier in the trial that Campbell was not aware that illegal contributions were given to his campaign in checks that were written with the names of five members of his family.

Reid also testified that on more than one occasion he gave cash contributions to Campbell?s campaign directly to the mayor. Reid is also only the second witness to testify he gave cash to the mayor. Earlier witness Dewey Clark, the mayor?s former special assistant, testified he gave Campbell cash from contractors on several occasions. He said cash was passed on to the mayor in the mayor?s City Hall office and in the bathroom of a Mississippi casino.

Reid was asked by assistant prosecuting attorney Phyllis Sumner why he gave checks and cash to the mayor, and he said former city Chief Operating Officer Larry Wallace told him Reid would ?get credit for the money you raise.?

Reid testified that the money for the campaign contributions was raised illegally. The scheme worked this way: Spectronics, a city contractor, gave Reid and Wallace the money, and Reid and Wallace would draw up a list of names and write checks to the campaigns in those names.

The campaign contributions were disguised as $1,000 and $2,000 checks written in the names of Spectronics employees, and Campbell family members and others.

The defense has maintained that Campbell was not aware of the illegal fund-raising. Reid?s testimony seemed to contradict that contention. He said that he came up with the idea of using Campbell family members on the checks after talking to Wallace. He testified that Spectronics told him it had the money for more contributions, but he needed new names to put on the checks.

Campaign law makes it illegal for an individual to contribute more than $2,000.

Reid testified that he asked Wallace for more names. ?He [Wallace] told me he would find the names,? testified Reid.

Prosecutor Sumner asked Reid if Wallace gave him the names at that moment. Reid testified Wallace did not give him the names, but Wallace gave him Campbell?s family member?s names either the next day or a few days later.

The impression Sumner was trying to leave with the jury was that Wallace consulted with Campbell before Wallace provided Campbell?s family names to be put on the checks. Reid, however, did not testify that Wallace asked Campbell for his family names.

Reid did testify, however, that when he got the checks back from Spectronics with the Campbell family member?s names on them, he gave those checks to Campbell. He said he was not sure if Campbell looked at the checks. He gave them to Campbell in an envelope.
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NOTE - CAMPAIGN FUNDS = COLD HARD CASH
 

THE KOD

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Gittens recalls Campbell?s contract orders
By Jeffry Scott | Thursday, February 16, 2006, 03:23 PM

The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

Angela Gittens, the former general manager of Hartsfield-Jackson International Airport, testified Thursday that Bill Campbell ordered her not to rebid an airport concessions contract some of his friends held with the city.

The prosecution in the former Atlanta mayor?s federal corruption trial is trying to prove that Campbell played favorites with city contractors who bribed him or donated to his political campaigns, legally or illegally.

Shortly after Gittens took the stand, her testimony was interrupted by objections from defense attorneys when the prosecution began asking her about other airport contracts.

With the jury out of the room, defense attorney Jerry Froelich told U. S. District Judge Richard Story that Gittens? testimony was little more than ?innuendo? and had ?thrown a skunk in the jury box.?

Froleich said prosecutors? plans to ask Gittens about airport parking and advertising contracts were irrelevant to the case and not part of the indictment against Campbell.

Assistant U.S. Attorney Sally Yates argued that Gittens? testimony is central to the government?s case.

The prosecution is trying to show that contractors who supported Campbell, allegedly with bribes and campaign contributions, were rewarded with lucrative city contracts.

Yates said, however, the government did not contend airport parking and advertising contracts were illegal or that the mayor took bribes from people who got them. Instead, she said, the prosecution wanted Gittens to testify about Campbell?s involvement with city contracts.

?We have to be able to show that he [Campbell] reaches into the contract process to reward people,? Yates said.

Judge Story ruled that Gittens could not talk about the parking contracts but could testify about advertising contracts with the city.
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Got reelected to a second term with zero trouble.

Our goverment at work...

Oh and its a big chance he gets off this . Cant convict him in front of these jurors. They got blinders on.
 
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THE KOD

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Too many in politics eager to be seduced

Published on: 02/16/06
Up in Washington, former House Republican Leader Tom DeLay is in deep trouble, in part because he accepted an all-expense-paid golf outing to Scotland on a private jet, courtesy of lobbyist Jack Abramoff.

Here in Atlanta, the jury in the federal trial of former Mayor Bill Campbell heard testimony about a $12,000 trip to Paris for the mayor and his mistress, provided by United Water, a company with a $21 million annual contract with the city of Atlanta. Later, just before Campbell left office, that contract was sweetened considerably under still mysterious circumstances.

In fact, the ex-mayor was a frequent flier, so to speak. The Campbell jury also heard city contractor Robert Crowder testify about spending $10,000 to fly the mayor and an entourage in a private plane to a boxing match in New York, and another $19,000 to fly to Las Vegas.

And now, of course, we learn that Glenn Richardson, speaker of the Georgia House of Representatives, accepted a free flight on a private jet last year to a conference in Las Vegas.

That's troubling for a number of reasons. Delta has about eight flights a day direct from Atlanta to Vegas, and it certainly could have used the business. But flying coach on a public carrier apparently isn't good enough anymore for Richardson, not when a lush private corporate jet is made available.

The jet came courtesy of Select Management and its chief executive, Rod Aycox, who also provided a private jet to fly Earl Ehrhart, chairman of the House Rules Committee, to a conference in Dallas last year.

Now, are there differences between the trips accepted by Campbell and DeLay and those accepted by Georgia politicians? Yes, there are. But the differences matter much less than the similarities.

In every case, the public official in question is being seduced by someone who wants something. And in each case, the public official has made it clear he is willing to be seduced.

Or, as Crowder explained to the Campbell jury, "We were doing business in the city of Atlanta. We wanted to strengthen those relationships."

That word, "relationships," pops up a lot when lobbyists talk about their work. They're not trying to bribe anyone; they just know that once you shower someone with gifts, concert tickets, trips and campaign contributions, they start to think of you as a friend. And friends help out friends, right?

Look at the flights provided to Richardson and Ehrhart. Why would Aycox be so generous?

Perhaps because the Legislature is considering regulations that would hamper how Aycox and Select Management, his title pawn company, do business in Georgia. Thanks to scandalously weak state law, title pawn companies in Georgia can charge interest as high as 300 percent to low-income borrowers who use their car titles as collateral.

It's a lucrative business that preys on the weak, vulnerable and desperate, many of whom end up losing their vehicles on a loan of a few hundred dollars or less. As a story by AJC reporters Alan Judd and Ann Hardie revealed, the title pawn industry responded to the threat of regulation by spending almost five times as much in 2005 lobbying state officials as it did on average in 2003 and 2004.

And the investment paid off. Once-stringent legislation has been watered down considerably, just as the industry wanted.

The cynical would explain the process by saying that the title pawn lenders make a lot of money, and that once they gave well-placed legislators a taste of the profits, their political problems went away.

And it's hard to see where that explanation goes awry.

Overall, lobbyist spending jumped by 30 percent last year, the first full year in which Republicans held control of the General Assembly. And since the 2006 General Assembly began with a lavish dinner at the Fox Theatre sponsored by the highway lobby, with a concert by Travis Tritt and tables selling for up to $10,000 each (legislators got in free), this year's total is likely to jump higher still.

"It is not improper for a legislator to be taken to an event or taken to dinner," Richardson told an AJC reporter, defending the $8,498 spent on him by lobbyists in 2005. "This in no way approaches a golf trip to Scotland."

Maybe not, but add a free flight to Vegas, and you're closer.

Here's a final question: Given the grief it causes, why don't legislators turn down the expensive sports tickets, the rides on corporate jets?

The answer is, because they want them.

And it is the wanting that makes them vulnerable.
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THE KOD

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Congress Exempts Itself From Indoor-Smoking Ban
February 15, 2006

Washington, D.C.'s new ban on indoor smoking won't apply to the U.S. Congress, which routinely exempts itself from such workplace regulations, the New York Times reported Feb. 12.

Visitors to Capitol Hill can find House Majority Leader John A. Boehner (R-Ohio) smoking cigarettes between votes, and Rep. Barney Frank (D-Mass.) is known to smoke cigars in the Speaker's lobby. Ashtrays can be found in the Capitol's reception area for use by lawmakers

Few members of Congress are willing to talk about the rules or their own smoking habits. But many feel that banning smoking would be caving in to political correctness.

"What will happen is someone will come along and ruin this last bit of fun," said Christopher Buckley, author of "Thank You for Smoking," a satirical novel that follows the story of a tobacco lobbyist. "As sure as night will follow day, now some aging senator or Congressional page will come down with lung cancer and sue the United States government ... and that last bit of fun will be foreclosed."

"Congress generally has rules for us and rules for them, and the rules for them are very often more pleasant than the rules for us," added Buckley.

"They exist on their own island," agreed Vincent Morris, a spokesman for D.C. Mayor Anthony A. Williams. "We would not be able to enforce the smoking ban in the speaker's lobby."
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Friend: I took cash to mayor
Payments were for city contract, golfing pal says

By BETH WARREN, ERNIE SUGGS
The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
Published on: 02/24/06
Dan DeBardelaben didn't want to testify Thursday against his longtime friend and golfing buddy, Bill Campbell ? but when he did, he delivered a wallop.

The Lithonia businessman told jurors how, on three occasions in 1999, he delivered thousands of dollars in cash bribes from city contractor Samuel J. Barber Jr. directly to Campbell, who was then Atlanta's mayor. Barber, a Decatur computer contractor, wanted a multimillion contract to ensure the city's systems were ready to roll over to the year 2000, a change many experts feared would cause havoc.

DeBardelaben, a subcontractor for Barber, testified that when he asked the mayor about the project as the two headed for the golf course that spring, Campbell responded: "What's in it for me?"

DeBardelaben said he put one large cash payment into the trunk of Campbell's car and tucked another cash-stuffed envelope into the former mayor's golf bag while the two were on the course.

Five days after the last payment to Campbell in August, the city approved an emergency authorization of $3 million to Barber's company, American Computer Technology, bypassing competitive bids on the project, DeBardelaben testified.

DeBardelaben surfaced as perhaps the strongest witness so far in the government's case, which could end today after five weeks of testimony. He may be harder to discredit than other witnesses who had grudges against the mayor.

Even lead defense attorney Billy Martin called DeBardelaben, who is testifying with a promise of immunity from prosecutors, a "pivotal witness" for the government. The jury was out of the courtroom at the time. Martin told the judge he may subpoena prosecutors and an FBI agent because he believes there should be more written documents showing DeBardelaben's statements about the case over the years that could be used to show inconsistencies.

Nonsense, prosecutor Sally Yates retorted. She said the government hadn't hidden anything.

DeBardelaben had already admitted to jurors that he lied to FBI and IRS agents when they knocked on his door in March and July of 2003. He also initially refused to testify before the grand jury and provided Campbell with updates on the federal probe.

"I was trying to avoid being involved in the investigation and I was trying to protect my friends," DeBardelaben testified.

After leaving the courthouse late Thursday, Campbell, who has known DeBardelaben for more than 20 years, said he felt betrayed and, at the same time, sad for his old friend.

"It wasn't until they put pressure on his family and threatened to prosecute him for tax problems that his story changed," Campbell said. "... up until that time, Mr. DeBardelaben told the truth."

In the courtroom earlier, Campbell's attorneys reminded jurors that DeBardelaben's agreement with the government shields him from prosecution on any tax violations or crimes from 1998 to 2000. He had acknowledged there were some "gray areas" with his taxes.

"I am confident that the jury will understand the pressure that he was under," Campbell said.

Three racketeering counts in the indictment against Campbell center on DeBardelaben's claims that the mayor solicited more than $50,000 from computer contractors wanting a deal to prepare the city's computers for Y2K.

DeBardelaben said he took the first payment from Barber, $25,000 in cash stuffed in an envelope, to Campbell's home on June 8, 1999. Phone records displayed for jurors showed 11 calls that day from DeBardelaben to two of Campbell's cellphones. The calls went to the mayor's office and to Campbell's home.

"I told Bill I had something for him," DeBardelaben testified. "He said: 'Let's walk outside.'

"He opened the trunk and said: 'Put it in there,' pointing to a set of golf clubs," DeBardelaben testified.

He told jurors that he delivered the second cash payment from Barber to the mayor a month later in an envelope on the practice tee of the Metropolitan Golf Course. He said the mayor motioned for him to put the envelope in a zipped compartment of the mayor's golf bag. DeBardelaben said he didn't count the money, but prosecutors allege that payment was for $20,000.

DeBardelaben testified that the mayor, on the eve of an out-of-town trip, came to his home a month later to pick up the third envelope of cash. Federal prosecutor Russell Vineyard said: "Did the mayor ever say 'thank you' for the money?"

"No," DeBardelaben said. "We didn't discuss it."

DeBardelaben said he first met Campbell in the mid-1980s at a downtown athletic club. Both played basketball and soon became friends and regular golfing buddies. Sometimes they joined longtime Campbell friend James Stephenson on the golf course, he said.

Stephenson testified Thursday that while playing pool in his basement in January 2004, the mayor asked him to help pay for an attorney for DeBardelaben. Stephenson said he responded by writing a check for $10,000.

Martin tried to block the testimony about DeBardelaben's defense fund, telling the judge that prosecutors would unfairly use the testimony to imply that the mayor was "trying to buy [DeBardelaben's] silence."

Defense attorney Jerry Froelich added, "The government is putting DeBardelaben under tax pressure to get him to lie."

Campbell, who insists he is innocent, is charged with racketeering, accepting bribes and tax evasion. Prosecutors say he ran City Hall during his tenure, from 1994 to 2002, as a criminal enterprise, bilking thousands from businesses vying for city contracts.

Campbell says a few of his trusted underlings misused his name to solicit bribes and pocket the money.

DeBardelaben, owner of Concept 2000 Technology Inc., testified for just over two hours about his relationship with Campbell. Prosecutors displayed enlarged replicas of checks, phone records and invoices to lend credence to his claims.

Martin frequently popped up out of his seat, breaking the flow of DeBardelaben's testimony with 29 objections while he was on the witness stand.

When Martin began his cross-examination, he tore into DeBardelaben, repeatedly calling him a liar. The cross-examination will continue this morning.

DeBardelaben admitted he initially lied to keep himself and his friends out of trouble, but insisted he is now telling the truth.

Barber, whose computer company hired DeBardelaben as a subcontractor, pleaded guilty in March 2003 to federal perjury charges for lying to a grand jury in 2001 about $10,000 in illegal contributions to Campbell's 1997 re-election campaign. He was sentenced to six months of home confinement, a $5,000 fine, two years of probation and community service. Barber then urged DeBardelaben to come clean, the subcontractor said.

Throughout the trial, witnesses have testified how Campbell frequently talked about expecting loyalty from friends, employees and business associates. But the mayor wasn't loyal to one home team, another witness testified Thursday.

Richard M. Matero told jurors that Campbell scalped tickets to one of the most famous games in Atlanta sports history ? to Yankees fans.

Matero said he gave Campbell $2,000 for four dugout-level tickets to the fourth game of the 1996 World Series between the Atlanta Braves and New York Yankees. It was the game that turned the series when Yankee Jim Leyritz hit a three-run homer in the eighth inning, tying the game, which the Yankees went on to win, and then won the Series.

Matero testified that his firm sometimes paid Campbell, who he said he considered a celebrity, as a speaker. He said the World Series tickets had a face value of $75 each for a total of $300. Campbell bought them and was then reimbursed the $300 from campaign funds, federal agents testified, making the $2,000 he allegedly sold them for clear profit.
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Mayor Campbell wouldnt take this money. Would he. ?
 

THE KOD

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Unregulated donations build Richardson fund

By ALAN JUDD
The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
Published on: 02/24/06
Last September, Georgia's small-town hospitals sent their lobbyist to the state Capitol with a $20,000 check and instructions to thank lawmakers for restricting awards in liability lawsuits. Over lunch, he hand-delivered the check to the main object of his clients' appreciation: House Speaker Glenn Richardson.

"We all wanted," said the lobbyist, Monty Veazey, "to do something for the speaker."


Had Richardson deposited the check into his own campaign account, he would have broken the law.

Instead, he accepted the donation on behalf of an obscure political committee called the MMV Alliance Fund. Formed after Republicans won a majority in the House in 2004, and unfettered by the contribution caps that apply to individual campaigns, MMV has provided unprecedented opportunities for unlimited political giving by lobbying groups and corporations with a financial stake in legislation that Richardson (R-Hiram) oversees.

MMV, based in Richardson's law office, collected $175,462 through Dec. 31, according to campaign finance reports. Of its 72 donors, 15 gave $5,000 or more, exceeding the $4,000 each could have contributed directly to Richardson or any other legislator.

Twenty-one of MMV's donors also gave to Richardson's campaign. Seven of them gave MMV and the speaker a combined total greater than the law would let them contribute to a single candidate.

The committee used the money to compensate aides to Richardson and one of his closest allies. It covered credit card bills, cellphone bills, legal fees and polling expenses. It paid thousands of dollars to the speaker's computer consultant.

Though apparently legal, MMV's activities signal an escalation of political fund-raising at the General Assembly. Party caucuses long have kept accounts to raise money for their candidates. But lobbyists and others involved with the Legislature say they can recall no other committee as closely related to a presiding officer as MMV is to Richardson.

Donors say Richardson and his allies let them know the MMV fund was available to accept their unlimited gifts. Lobbyists say it was clear the donations would benefit the first Republican House speaker since Reconstruction.

"The thinking was there was a new sheriff in town," said Bill Clark, a lobbyist for the Georgia Trial Lawyers Association, which gave $5,000 through its political arm. "The sheriff was asking for help, and we were willing to step up to the plate and support the new sheriff."

Richardson declined to be interviewed about the committee. A House aide who files the committee's campaign finance reports, Matt Metcalf, said MMV was formed to benefit all House Republicans, not just Richardson.

"It's not the speaker's PAC by any stretch," Metcalf said.

He added, "Everything was done within the scope of the law."

Mysterious committee

MMV remains a mystery to all but its creators and benefactors.

Neither Richardson's name nor any other legislator's appears on public records the committee has filed. Even the meaning of the committee's name is ambiguous.

One donor said MMV stands for "Majority Makers Victory." Others, though, said it represents the Roman numerals for 2005, the year Richardson ascended to the speaker's post.

Since it was organized a few days after the 2004 elections, the committee has listed its mailing address as the post office box of Richardson's law firm in Paulding County. Some contributors have sent checks there or to another address Richardson has used, according to campaign finance reports that MMV and some of its donors filed with the secretary of state.

At least two other donors addressed contributions to House Rules Chairman Earl Ehrhart (R-Powder Springs), whom Richardson appointed to be the gatekeeper for bills to reach the House floor.

Lawmakers from both parties long have used largely unregulated political committees to collect donations from lobbyists and others; top officials then dole out the money to individual candidates. The Republican Senatorial Trust, the Democratic Legislative Caucus and the House Republican Trust, for instance, have raised money for their parties' candidates for years.

MMV is different.

While other leadership funds spend heavily on donations to legislative candidates, records show that MMV made no campaign contributions in 2004 or 2005.

Instead, the committee paid Richardson's spokeswoman, who is a state employee, $6,451 in consulting fees. It paid another House staff member $9,100 for work last year, and it gave more than $9,000 to two lawyers working for the speaker and a legislative committee.

MMV's largest expense was $47,161, for technology consulting and equipment from a computer adviser to the speaker's office. A newsletter for House employees said the consultant trained employees on a new computer system.

Metcalf, the House aide, said Republican leaders intend to use the committee "to expand our Republican majority." He declined to disclose specific plans.

Extending a hand

Ask donors to MMV, or their lobbyists, why they gave to a committee that did not exist before the last election, and the answers vary widely.

Lobbyist Roy Robinson said the committee was "basically a transition fund, to help Glenn get his administration started as speaker of the House."

His client COVAD Communications, a provider of high-speed Internet service, gave MMV $5,000 in November 2004, days after its formation.

"Glenn had always been a friend, and we wanted to help," Robinson said. "There was no quid pro quo involved. What we did was extend our hand."

Jim Walters of Gainesville, whose company owns small-loan outlets, said MMV accepted his $15,000 gift last September "to support Republican candidates and their quest for election or re-election."

Walters also arranged for the small-loan industry's political committee to give $10,000.

"The speaker is a competent leader," he said. "I'm sure he will put the money to good use."

Wayne Garner, a lobbyist for United Community Bank, said simply of MMV, "That's Speaker Richardson's PAC fund he's established."

Garner's client donated $5,000 in November 2004. Like others, he said he couldn't recall exactly how he learned about the MMV committee. Either Richardson or someone working for the newly chosen speaker, Garner said, "asked us for a donation."

Of MMV's 72 donors, eight are registered lobbyists and 31 others employ lobbyists. Ten donors do business with state government.

The biggest donor, the Georgia Alliance of Community Hospitals, which gave Richardson the $20,000 check last September, has a large presence in the Capitol, with 14 lobbyists. Its overarching goal in 2005 was to win approval for a proposal to restrict awards in liability lawsuits, said Veazey, the group's chief lobbyist.

After lawmakers adopted the lawsuit limits, Veazey said, the group decided to forego its traditional contribution to the state Republican Party. Instead, he said, the hospitals wanted to "give to the things that are going to help us in the Capitol."

Veazey said Richardson did not solicit the donation.

Surprised by results

Metcalf, who compiles MMV's campaign finance reports, said he didn't know how word got out about the committee's creation. Many early donors, he said, were the Republicans' "old friends."

MMV raised no money during the 2005 legislative session. Although political committees can take contributions at any time, state law prohibits officeholders seeking re-election from accepting donations while the General Assembly meets.

But on Jan. 7, 2005, three days before the session opened, MMV collected $24,000 from 19 donors, records show.

Trip Martin, a lobbyist for four of the donors, said his clients understood why they were being asked to give: "You need to support the folks you believe are supporting your position."

The House didn't let his clients down, Martin said. "We were all surprised how pro-business that session was."

Another early donor was similarly surprised: the Civil Justice PAC, the trial lawyers' committee that opposed the lawsuit restrictions.

After the 2004 elections, "supporters of the speaker were involved in asking others to help make contributions," said Clark, one of the trial lawyers' lobbyists. "Word is sort of disseminated."

With the legislative session and its annual fund-raising moratorium approaching, Clark said, "It was, 'Get all those checks in so we can get them in the bank before the session starts.' "

The trial lawyers knew House Republicans intended to push the lawsuit restrictions, Clark said, but they thought they would have their say on the bill's contents.

Asked whether his organization would donate to the MMV committee again, after losing on the litigation bill despite its contribution, Clark paused for a long moment.

"I would say yes," he answered, finally. "You support people who help you, and you support people who are in leadership. And it's wonderful when those both are the same people."
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If any of us did this is our jobs we would be imprisioned or fired or both. How have they gotten away with this for 50 fawking years.

Am I the only one that gets pissed about this stuff ?

Geezz Louise.
 

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IRS agent: Campbell ?stopped using his ATM card?
By Ernie Suggs | Friday, February 24, 2006, 05:10 PM

The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

How former Atlanta Mayor Bill Campbell earned and spent money between 1996 and 1999 was the intense focus of afternoon testimony Friday as prosecutors tried to link Campbell?s spending to cash given to him in bribes.

IRS agent Bill Salinski testified that while Campbell deposited most of the money he earned as Atlanta?s mayor, he withdrew very little of it to pay for any expenditures, including meals, travel and even household utilities.

Salinski testified that Campbell generally spent cash on a majority of his large and small purchases.

Between 1996 and 1999, Bill Campbell reported $661,232 in income from his city hall salary, wife?s salary and speaking fees. Between that period, Campbell?s bank withdrawals went from $19,952 in 1995 to $69 in 1999.

Salinski testified that Campbell?s spending habits dramatically changed around 1996, which is when prosecutors say Campbell started taking bribes.

?There seemed to be an abrupt change around May 27, 1996,? Salinski said. ?He stopped using his ATM card.?

In 1995, Campbell withdrew $4,362.50 from his bank accounts using his ATM card. In 1996, those withdrawals were down to $1,327, followed by only $200 in 1997. In 1998 and 1998, Campbell withdrew no money using his ATM.

Testimony is continuing throughout the afternoon. Salinski is expected to be the prosecution?s last witness. The defense is expected to start calling witnesses on Tuesday.
 

THE KOD

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juror #2 well do you think he took that 20 grand and put it in his golf bag.

juror #4 He was the mayor , mayors don't do things like that.
 

THE KOD

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Instead, Willis had a ball discussing a number of other topics, such as politics. Willis has identified himself as a Republican in the past, and before a journalist could even ask for his opinion on recent current events, the star interrupted him to set something straight.

"I'm sick of answering this [expletive] question," he says. "I'm a Republican only as far as I want a smaller government, I want less government intrusion. I want them to stop [expletive] on my money and your money and tax dollars that we give 50 percent of... every year. I want them to be fiscally responsible and I want these [expletive] lobbyists out of Washington. Do that and I'll say I'm a Republican... I hate the government, OK? I'm a-political. Write that down. I'm not a Republican."
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I liked the part where he wanks on the lobbyists.
 
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Former Congressman Gets Eight-Plus Years
By SETH HETTENA
Associated Press Writer

SAN DIEGO ? Former Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham, who collected $2.4 million in homes, yachts, antique furnishings and other bribes on a scale unparalleled in the history of Congress, was sentenced Friday to eight years and four months in prison, the longest term meted out to a congressman in decades.

Cunningham, who resigned from Congress in disgrace last year, was spared the 10-year maximum by U.S. District Judge Larry Burns but was immediately taken into custody. He also was ordered to pay $1.8 million in restitution for back taxes.


(enlarge photo)
Former U.S. Congressman Randall 'Duke' Cunningham, center, is helped by aides as he arrives at the federal courthouse in San Diego Friday March 3, 2006 for sentencing on his conviction for bribery and tax evasion. (AP Photo/Lenny Ignelzi)
Cunningham accepted money and gifts including a Rolls-Royce, a yacht and $40,000 Persian rugs from defense contractors and others in exchange for steering government contracts their way and other favors.

Federal prosecutors sought the maximum and his attorneys asked for mercy, but Cunningham, choking up as he addressed the judge, focused on accepting blame. "Your honor I have ripped my life to shreds due to my actions, my actions that I did to myself," he said.

"I made a very wrong turn. I rationalized decisions I knew were wrong. I did that, sir," Cunningham said.

Much thinner than when he pleaded guilty in November ? he said he has gone from 265 pounds to 175 pounds since June ? Cunningham had asked to see his 91-year-old mother one last time before going to prison, but was denied.

The judge, while crediting Cunningham for his military service and for taking responsibility, questioned why he felt compelled to betray his constituents and his colleagues for luxuries.

"You weren't wet. You weren't cold. You weren't hungry and yet you did these things," Burns said. "I think what you've done is you've undermined the opportunity that honest politicians have to do a good job."

The staggering details of Cunningham's wrongdoing surpass anything in the history of Congress, Senate and House historians have said. "In the sheer dollar amount, he is the most corrupt," said Deputy House Historian Fred W. Beuttler.

The longest term meted out to congressmen in the past four decades had been eight years, handed to former Rep. James Traficant, D-Ohio, in 2002 for taking payoffs, and to former Rep. Mario Biaggi, D-N.Y., in 1988 for extorting nearly $2 million from a defense contractor.

Prosecutor Phil Halpern told the judge that while Cunningham was living the good life "he was squandering precious tax dollars for, among other things, systems the military didn't ask for, didn't need and frequently didn't use."

Cunningham's attorney Lee Blalack asked for six years for the former Navy "Top Gun" flight instructor and Vietnam War flying ace.

Cunningham, 64 and a congressman for 15 years, rubbed away tears while Blalack addressed the court. He appeared to be crying quietly when Blalack referred to his wartime service.

"There are men in this courtroom who are walking around and breathing because Duke Cunningham put his life at risk," Blalack said. "There is no doubt that all of the good that he did in those many years will be washed away."

The courtroom, which seats about 100, was packed. Among those in the gallery was Rep. Duncan Hunter, R-Calif., chairman of House Armed Services Committee, whose district, like Cunningham's, is in the San Diego area.

Blalack said that given Cunningham's age and history of prostate cancer, "there is a significant likelihood" he would not survive a 10-year sentence, and that he already has suffered greatly.

"This man has been humiliated beyond belief by his own hand. He is estranged from those he loves most and cares most about," Blalack said. "All his worldly possessions are gone. He will carry a crushing tax debt until the day he dies. He will go to jail until he's 70 years old."

Prosecutor Jason A. Forge said Cunningham should not get a break for committing crimes late in life, and doubted his apparent remorse, pointing out that after the allegations emerged he spent months falsely denying them.

"The fact of the matter is Mr. Cunningham went down kicking and screaming. He did not plead guilty until his indictment was imminent," Forge said.

Cunningham pleaded guilty Nov. 28 to tax evasion and a conspiracy involving four others. The plea came amid a series of GOP scandals: Rep. Tom DeLay of Texas had to step down as majority leader after he was indicted in a campaign finance case; a stock sale by Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist is being looked at by regulators; and Vice President Dick Cheney's chief of staff was indicted in the CIA leak case.

The case against Cunningham began when authorities started investigating his sale of his Del Mar house to defense contractor Mitchell Wade for $1,675,000, a price inflated by $700,000.

Wade admitted giving Cunningham more than $1 million in gifts, including a yacht, cash, cars, antiques and meals. He pleaded guilty last month to conspiring with Cunningham, among four corruption charges that carry a maximum prison term of 20 years.

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maybe this is how goverment is supposed to work.
 

djv

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S A are you sure our government is working at all right now. With one exception the dept is climbing fast. And we will all get to pay it off.
 

THE KOD

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what I meant was its a start.

I think right now we may end up going somewhere in a handbasket. Man Bush getting kicked in the stomach at every
turn lately. Lame duck president just trying to survive a very hard fight.

Nothing goes his way right now.
 

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Campbell says he won?t testify
By Jeffry Scott and Beth Warren | Monday, March 6, 2006, 02:51 PM

The Atlanta Journal-Constitution

Bill Campbell said this afternoon he would not testify in his own defense.

U.S. District Judge Richard Story pressed the former Atlanta mayor for a decision today so he could determine scheduling for the last phase of the federal corruption trial.

After dismissing the jury around noon, Story had given Campbell until the lunch break ended around 2 to make his decision. Asked by Story this afternoon whether would to testify, Campbell first responded, ?I would actually like a little bit more time? to decide.

Story said he could have a few minutes to consult his lawyers, but Campbell instead responded, ?Your honor, it is my inclination not to testify.?

Barring a change of heart by Campbell, the last defense witness could be IRS Special Agent Bill Salinski, who will take the stand tomorrow morning. Then prosecutors are expected to call rebuttal witnesses. Closing arguments by both sides could be later this week.
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Lets see what happens now. Will the guilty be free or will justice be served.
 
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Bribes in Congress

?I first ran for Congress in 1990 because I was fed up with politicians who took advantage of our trust and put powerful special interests ahead of those who elected them.?

cunninghamjailbars.jpg
 

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Campbell not guilty of the main rackateering charges.

How did we know this was going to happen.

Nothing ever changes.

I doubt he serves any time on the tax evasion charges either.

Looks like probation for Bill. Now he can enjoy all that money he stashed and use it on his woman and gambling. What a life.
 
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