How China might invade Taiwan
Naval War College Review, Autumn, 2001 by Piers M. Wood, Charles D. FergusonE-mail Print Link While defense analysts agree that the Taiwan Strait remains a flashpoint for armed conflict because of China's near obsession with reunification with Taiwan, these analysts generally fall into two camps regarding China's ability to carry out a successful invasion against Taiwan, either today or in the foreseeable future.
One camp enumerates disproportionate numerical advantages in combat aircraft, soldiers, submarines, etc., that the People's Republic of China enjoys over Taiwan and also cites China's acquisition of advanced Russian Sovremenny-class destroyers, SS-N-22 Sunburn antiship cruise missiles, and Sukhoi-27 combat aircraft. While stopping short of predicting an easy victory over Taiwan, these analysts typically conclude that the United States must increase its military ties with Taiwan. (1) Other analysts envision a marked decrease in Taiwan's military capabilities in mid-decade that could give China an edge by the end of the decade. Some point out, however, that even massive U.S. arms shipments to Taiwan would do little in the short term to enhance the island's defenses, because of the time it would take Taiwan's military to absorb the new equipment. (2)
The other camp, in contrast, recognizes Taiwan's qualitative advantage in combat aircraft and warships. Moreover, this group perceives the difficulties inherent in an invasion of Taiwan and grasps the natural advantages possessed by defending forces. (3) Although these analysts acknowledge that Chinese modernization could someday prove decisive in a future invasion attempt, they usually place this development ten or twenty years hence.
The first school of thought is flawed by its reliance on more or less sophisticated "bean counts" that stop short of a full operational analysis. The second camp, for its part, is playing by Western rules and perhaps forgets that twice in the last fifty years the United States has underestimated the determination of Asian militaries, with severe consequences. Further, both groups generally presume that an invasion would be an all-or-nothing proposition, positing that an invasion must occur in one fell swoop (the "nothing" possibility including an "escalating ladder" of threats meant to intimidate Taiwan into capitulation without an invasion). By and large, they neglect, or do not probe in detail, a third contingency--a phased military operation. Faced with operational realities, military professionals most often think in terms of extended campaigns. However, in this case the staging aspect has been so seldom addressed recently that few modern readers are even aware that the Peng Hu Islands (formerly the Pesca dores) sit astride the invasion routes across the Taiwan Strait--as hard to ignore, tactically, as an ox in the living room.
As a contribution to the debate over whether or not China possesses the capability to invade Taiwan in the near term, this article assesses this missing factor from a doctrinal perspective and finds that a phased invasion, one that ratchets up the level of offensive operations, has a better prospect of success than an all-out attack against the main island of Taiwan. While we make no predictions about the success or failure of a Chinese invasion against Taiwan in the foreseeable future, we caution that a determined China could launch an invasion sooner than the five, ten, or twenty years that some have projected, though it would be unlikely to succeed if it made the attempt today.
PHASED INVASION
The People's Liberation Army could realize a number of important advantages, should it invade Taiwan, by conducting the operation in three phases: seizing Quemoy (Kinmen) and other islands close to the mainland, capturing the Peng Hu Islands, and assaulting Taiwan's west coast. By attacking these objectives in succession, the Chinese could amass great numerical superiority against each one in turn and render the next object less defensible. This stepping-stone strategy would place the defenders in the predicament of deciding whether to absorb casualties fighting for key terrain currently under attack or to conserve resources for a final stand on the main island.
Phasing could work to the Chinese advantage for other reasons as well. Beijing could exploit the initial phase domestically, creating a state of war fever that would generate support for military construction projects that would in turn be essential for succeeding phases but would seem unjustifiable in peacetime. Moreover, a break after the first two phases would allow an opportunity for major upgrades in military training, taking advantage of experience gained in what would amount to combat "rehearsals" for an assault against the main island. Long halts would keep the door open for a general surrender or a favorable negotiated settlement with Taiwan. Notably, the preliminary phases might also be viewed as less than a full attack on the island, and thus as not justifying U.S. military intervention.
For the People's Liberation Army, an attack on Quemoy represents more an opportunity than a risk. Although Quemoy is heavily fortified with tunnel and bunker complexes, the Chinese would have little difficulty amassing five-to-one odds against Quemoy's fifty-five thousand defenders. Also, because of its proximity to the mainland and the shallow depth of the water between, an attack on Quemoy would resemble less an amphibious invasion than a river crossing. Accordingly, the Chinese could safely presuppose one of the cardinal precepts of amphibious doctrine, air superiority. That is, they could conduct the attack under the umbrella of air defense forces--both on the mainland (long-range surface-to-air missiles belonging to the People's Liberation Army Air Force) and missile and antiaircraft-artillery forces integral to the army assault units themselves. Keeping the Chinese air force largely out of this battle would preserve its aircraft, while air defense forces could shoot down some of the Taiwanese air force' s best aircraft--unless the Taiwanese held them back. Chinese antiair artillery would have two factors in its favor: huge numbers and concentration of firepower. The Chinese could employ about sixteen thousand air-defense artillery tubes, compared to the four thousand guns that Iraq had in the Persian Gulf War. Also, and again in contrast to DESERT STORM, this battle would take place in a confined space--fifty miles of coastline and inland perhaps thirty-five miles.
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I found a poll that said 60% of USA does not think this will happen before Jan 4 2009 and
40% did.
Why are they polling this question if it is not a distinct possiblity ?