The Truth About Bush?s ?Lies? An attack from the Left misfires.
here's an idea gaining momentum among Democrats and pundits on the left: George W. Bush is a bigger liar than Bill Clinton ever was. Writers like Paul Krugman of the New York Times, E. J. Dionne and Dana Milbank of the Washington Post, and Harold Meyerson of The American Prospect have all suggested that Bush has a serious problem with the truth, while others, like The Nation's Eric Alterman, have said flatly, "President Bush is a liar." The Post's Richard Cohen invoked Mary McCarthy's famous jab at Lillian Hellman - "Every word she writes is a lie, including 'and' and 'the'" - before concluding: "The same cannot yet be said about George W. Bush and his administration, but it has not been around as long as Hellman was and is not nearly as creative."
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On the web, Bushwatch.com maintains a special "Bush Lies" section, while another site, Dailyhowler.com, keeps up a running commentary on the president's alleged untruths. And this fall, sometime comedian Al Franken will no doubt be pushing the idea in his book, Lies: And the Lying Liars Who Tell Them - A Fair and Balanced Look at the Right. In short, accusing the president of lying is a growth industry on the left.
What seems particularly galling to liberal writers is the notion that Bush is getting away with his lies even as his predecessor was flayed for lesser offenses. "If a Democrat, say, Bill Clinton, engaged in Bush-scale dishonesty, the press would be all over him," Drake Bennett and Heidi Pauken wrote in a recent issue of The American Prospect. "Unless the voters and the press start paying attention, all the president's lies will have little political consequence - except to certify that we have become something less than a democracy."
What's going on here? Certainly George W. Bush, like every other politician, has said things, sometimes in off-the-cuff remarks, that were wrong. But was he lying? Like Bill Clinton? As appealing as the idea may be to the president's opponents, a look at the record shows that the charges just don't stand up to scrutiny.
"FACTS ARE MALLEABLE"
One of the most influential articles questioning the president's credibility appeared last October on the front page of the Washington Post under the headline "For Bush, Facts Are Malleable." Reporter Dana Milbank wrote that a close look at Bush's statements on a range of subjects suggested that "a president who won election underscoring Al Gore's knack for distortions and exaggerations has been guilty of a few himself." Milbank placed Bush in a tradition of presidents like Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton, the latter of whom, Milbank said, "fibbed" about his "personal indiscretions."
Milbank's case against Bush began with the October 7 address to the nation on the subject of Iraq, in which the president warned that Saddam Hussein had a growing fleet of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) that could be used, in Bush's words, "for missions targeting the United States." That statement, Milbank claimed, was "dubious, if not wrong," because a CIA report on the unmanned aircraft "said nothing about [their] having sufficient range to threaten the United States."
But Milbank quoted just a few words of Bush's speech. A more complete look at the text would have shown that Bush actually said: "We've also discovered through intelligence that Iraq has a growing fleet of manned and unmanned aerial vehicles that could be used to disperse chemical and biological weapons across broad areas. We're concerned that Iraq is exploring ways of using these UAVs for missions targeting the United States."
The longer statement puts Bush's words in a somewhat different light. White House press secretary Ari Fleischer wrote to the Post indicating that Milbank had "wrongly interpret[ed] the president to be saying that Iraq would launch the UAVs from Iraq. The president never suggested that. The threat from UAVs would come from their being launched from a ship or a truck or by their being smuggled into the United States."
Another Bush statement that Milbank labeled "dubious, if not wrong" was something the president said last September during a news conference with British prime minister Tony Blair. The president "cited a report by the International Atomic Energy Agency [IAEA] saying the Iraqis were 'six months away from developing a weapon,'" Milbank wrote. But Milbank said the IAEA report, which was issued in 1998, "made no such assertion."
In response, the White House argued that the president had simply misspoken. "It was in fact the International Institute for Strategic Studies [IISS] that issued the report concluding that Iraq could develop nuclear weapons in as few as six months," Fleischer wrote. "The source may be different, but the underlying fact remains the same." And in fact, the IISS had finished a report, which was released the Monday after Bush's Saturday statement, which said Iraq could "assemble nuclear weapons within months if fissile material from foreign sources were obtained."
And even the IAEA report cited by Milbank was far less conclusive than he implied. The Post quoted a portion of the report that said the IAEA "has found no indication of Iraq having achieved its program goal of producing nuclear weapons or of Iraq having retained a physical capability for the production of weapon-usable nuclear material or having clandestinely obtained such material." But Milbank did not quote the next portion of the report, which began, "At the same time, the IAEA points out the limitations inherent in a countrywide verification process and consequently its inability to guarantee that all readily concealable items have been found." The IAEA said that inspectors were not allowed to visit new weapons sites, and as a result, "the level of assurance the IAEA can give that prohibited activities are not taking place in Iraq is significantly reduced."
On the economy, Milbank took Bush to task for urging Congress to pass a terrorism insurance bill. "There's over $15 billion of construction projects which are on hold," Bush said in a speech last October, "which aren't going forward - which means there's over 300,000 jobs that would be in place, or soon to be in place, that aren't in place." Milbank complained that the $15 billion figure was not a government estimate but had instead been produced by the Real Estate Roundtable, which favored terrorism insurance and had come up with that number through an "unscientific survey" of its members. The figure of 300,000 jobs, Milbank wrote, was also suspect, but he offered no evidence that either figure was actually incorrect. The White House stood its ground; an official told ABCNews.com's " The Note <http://abcnews.go.com/sections/politics/TheNote/TheNote.html>" that the jobs figure was "vetted and approved by the president's economic team."
So in one example, Milbank apparently misinterpreted the president's remarks about UAVs. In another, he hit Bush for a misstatement on Iraqi arms, while failing to tell readers that the IAEA report in question was nowhere near as definitive as he suggested. And in the third example, he criticized Bush for citing statistics - surely a time-honored political practice - that Milbank found wanting, although without any proof that they were wrong. Milbank filled out his article with a couple of other examples, one a Bush statement about a union dispute in which the meaning of the president's words was debatable, and another Bush statement about an Iraqi defector and an al-Qaeda leader in which Bush "omitted qualifiers that make the accusations seem less convincing." And that was it. One might reasonably ask whether any of those cases represented examples of presidential lying in the tradition of Nixon and Clinton.
ANOTHER LITTLE LIE?
In mid May, Post columnist E. J. Dionne picked up Milbank's theme: "Bush and his White House say whatever is necessary, even if they have to admit later that what they said the first time wasn't exactly true." Exhibit A in Dionne's account was the president's May 1 flight to the USS Abraham Lincoln for a speech announcing the official end of hostilities in Iraq. The White House, Dionne noted, had originally said Bush would fly to the carrier in an S3B Viking jet because the ship was hundreds of miles off shore, too far to travel by helicopter. But when the president actually left, the carrier was about 30 miles from shore, close enough for a routine chopper flight. Nevertheless, the president took the jet for a dramatic landing on the Lincoln. "Now that's very interesting," Dionne concluded. "You can be absolutely sure that if an Al Gore White House had comparably misled citizens about the reason for a presidential made-for-television visit to an aircraft carrier, Gore would have been pilloried for engaging in yet another 'little lie.'"
here's an idea gaining momentum among Democrats and pundits on the left: George W. Bush is a bigger liar than Bill Clinton ever was. Writers like Paul Krugman of the New York Times, E. J. Dionne and Dana Milbank of the Washington Post, and Harold Meyerson of The American Prospect have all suggested that Bush has a serious problem with the truth, while others, like The Nation's Eric Alterman, have said flatly, "President Bush is a liar." The Post's Richard Cohen invoked Mary McCarthy's famous jab at Lillian Hellman - "Every word she writes is a lie, including 'and' and 'the'" - before concluding: "The same cannot yet be said about George W. Bush and his administration, but it has not been around as long as Hellman was and is not nearly as creative."
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On the web, Bushwatch.com maintains a special "Bush Lies" section, while another site, Dailyhowler.com, keeps up a running commentary on the president's alleged untruths. And this fall, sometime comedian Al Franken will no doubt be pushing the idea in his book, Lies: And the Lying Liars Who Tell Them - A Fair and Balanced Look at the Right. In short, accusing the president of lying is a growth industry on the left.
What seems particularly galling to liberal writers is the notion that Bush is getting away with his lies even as his predecessor was flayed for lesser offenses. "If a Democrat, say, Bill Clinton, engaged in Bush-scale dishonesty, the press would be all over him," Drake Bennett and Heidi Pauken wrote in a recent issue of The American Prospect. "Unless the voters and the press start paying attention, all the president's lies will have little political consequence - except to certify that we have become something less than a democracy."
What's going on here? Certainly George W. Bush, like every other politician, has said things, sometimes in off-the-cuff remarks, that were wrong. But was he lying? Like Bill Clinton? As appealing as the idea may be to the president's opponents, a look at the record shows that the charges just don't stand up to scrutiny.
"FACTS ARE MALLEABLE"
One of the most influential articles questioning the president's credibility appeared last October on the front page of the Washington Post under the headline "For Bush, Facts Are Malleable." Reporter Dana Milbank wrote that a close look at Bush's statements on a range of subjects suggested that "a president who won election underscoring Al Gore's knack for distortions and exaggerations has been guilty of a few himself." Milbank placed Bush in a tradition of presidents like Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton, the latter of whom, Milbank said, "fibbed" about his "personal indiscretions."
Milbank's case against Bush began with the October 7 address to the nation on the subject of Iraq, in which the president warned that Saddam Hussein had a growing fleet of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) that could be used, in Bush's words, "for missions targeting the United States." That statement, Milbank claimed, was "dubious, if not wrong," because a CIA report on the unmanned aircraft "said nothing about [their] having sufficient range to threaten the United States."
But Milbank quoted just a few words of Bush's speech. A more complete look at the text would have shown that Bush actually said: "We've also discovered through intelligence that Iraq has a growing fleet of manned and unmanned aerial vehicles that could be used to disperse chemical and biological weapons across broad areas. We're concerned that Iraq is exploring ways of using these UAVs for missions targeting the United States."
The longer statement puts Bush's words in a somewhat different light. White House press secretary Ari Fleischer wrote to the Post indicating that Milbank had "wrongly interpret[ed] the president to be saying that Iraq would launch the UAVs from Iraq. The president never suggested that. The threat from UAVs would come from their being launched from a ship or a truck or by their being smuggled into the United States."
Another Bush statement that Milbank labeled "dubious, if not wrong" was something the president said last September during a news conference with British prime minister Tony Blair. The president "cited a report by the International Atomic Energy Agency [IAEA] saying the Iraqis were 'six months away from developing a weapon,'" Milbank wrote. But Milbank said the IAEA report, which was issued in 1998, "made no such assertion."
In response, the White House argued that the president had simply misspoken. "It was in fact the International Institute for Strategic Studies [IISS] that issued the report concluding that Iraq could develop nuclear weapons in as few as six months," Fleischer wrote. "The source may be different, but the underlying fact remains the same." And in fact, the IISS had finished a report, which was released the Monday after Bush's Saturday statement, which said Iraq could "assemble nuclear weapons within months if fissile material from foreign sources were obtained."
And even the IAEA report cited by Milbank was far less conclusive than he implied. The Post quoted a portion of the report that said the IAEA "has found no indication of Iraq having achieved its program goal of producing nuclear weapons or of Iraq having retained a physical capability for the production of weapon-usable nuclear material or having clandestinely obtained such material." But Milbank did not quote the next portion of the report, which began, "At the same time, the IAEA points out the limitations inherent in a countrywide verification process and consequently its inability to guarantee that all readily concealable items have been found." The IAEA said that inspectors were not allowed to visit new weapons sites, and as a result, "the level of assurance the IAEA can give that prohibited activities are not taking place in Iraq is significantly reduced."
On the economy, Milbank took Bush to task for urging Congress to pass a terrorism insurance bill. "There's over $15 billion of construction projects which are on hold," Bush said in a speech last October, "which aren't going forward - which means there's over 300,000 jobs that would be in place, or soon to be in place, that aren't in place." Milbank complained that the $15 billion figure was not a government estimate but had instead been produced by the Real Estate Roundtable, which favored terrorism insurance and had come up with that number through an "unscientific survey" of its members. The figure of 300,000 jobs, Milbank wrote, was also suspect, but he offered no evidence that either figure was actually incorrect. The White House stood its ground; an official told ABCNews.com's " The Note <http://abcnews.go.com/sections/politics/TheNote/TheNote.html>" that the jobs figure was "vetted and approved by the president's economic team."
So in one example, Milbank apparently misinterpreted the president's remarks about UAVs. In another, he hit Bush for a misstatement on Iraqi arms, while failing to tell readers that the IAEA report in question was nowhere near as definitive as he suggested. And in the third example, he criticized Bush for citing statistics - surely a time-honored political practice - that Milbank found wanting, although without any proof that they were wrong. Milbank filled out his article with a couple of other examples, one a Bush statement about a union dispute in which the meaning of the president's words was debatable, and another Bush statement about an Iraqi defector and an al-Qaeda leader in which Bush "omitted qualifiers that make the accusations seem less convincing." And that was it. One might reasonably ask whether any of those cases represented examples of presidential lying in the tradition of Nixon and Clinton.
ANOTHER LITTLE LIE?
In mid May, Post columnist E. J. Dionne picked up Milbank's theme: "Bush and his White House say whatever is necessary, even if they have to admit later that what they said the first time wasn't exactly true." Exhibit A in Dionne's account was the president's May 1 flight to the USS Abraham Lincoln for a speech announcing the official end of hostilities in Iraq. The White House, Dionne noted, had originally said Bush would fly to the carrier in an S3B Viking jet because the ship was hundreds of miles off shore, too far to travel by helicopter. But when the president actually left, the carrier was about 30 miles from shore, close enough for a routine chopper flight. Nevertheless, the president took the jet for a dramatic landing on the Lincoln. "Now that's very interesting," Dionne concluded. "You can be absolutely sure that if an Al Gore White House had comparably misled citizens about the reason for a presidential made-for-television visit to an aircraft carrier, Gore would have been pilloried for engaging in yet another 'little lie.'"

